The 2016
presidential election was two months ago and one might think it should be
treated like so much water under the bridge.
Yet last week just one day after Trump took the oath of office, over a
half million people swarmed into Washington DC to remind the new president that
his campaign to ‘make America great again’ would not be allowed to roll over
social and economic progress made over the last few decades. Mostly women, they came wearing pink hats and
carrying signs against racism, sexism and hate.
Over 400 marches of the same sort were simultaneously held in
communities around the country.
Trump’s
response - via Twitter of course - was
a snarky remark about how those marchers should have voted in the presidential
election. Actually, they probably did
vote. Unfortunately, their votes appeared
to have counted for little.
For the second
time this century a U.S. president took the oath of office without the support
of the majority of voters. In 2000, Al
Gore won the popular vote in the presidential election by a very narrow margin of
537,520 votes. George W. Bush ended up
as our president because he won more than required minimum votes in the Electoral
College, albeit with only one vote to spare.
In 2016, Hillary Clinton won the popular vote by a whopping 2.9 million
votes, giving her a 2.1% lead over Donald Trump. Of course, we already know that the Electoral
College delivered the win to Trump instead, largely because smaller rural
states have in inordinate influence over the final Electoral College tally by
virtue of the guaranteed minimum representation.
Who are the people in those small states with 3 and 4 electoral votes that have had so much influence over the fortunes of our country?
Plenty of
politicians have already poured over the election results, offering one opinion
after another about who voted for Trump and why. However, I wanted to consider the election in terms
I could understand.
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On a nationwide
basis, each of the 538 electoral votes accounts for an average of 422,227
eligible voters. Electoral college members
from twenty-nine states and the District of Columbia represent fewer than the
average. These states and DC are shown
in the graph. These are the states that
have inordinate influence over of the presidential election than is warranted
by the state’s population. To be clear,
some of these ‘influential states’ voted for Hillary Clinton. Indeed, 25.4% of the electoral votes for
Clinton were from states that have a fewer than average eligible voters per
electoral college vote. However, 41.8%
of electoral votes for Trump were from these ‘influential states,’ making it
very clear that rural America held sway in Trump’s favor.
I had
some idea already of the rural character found in the states that voted for
Trump. My beginnings were on a cattle
ranch in South Dakota and I earned a bachelor degree in economics from the
University of South Dakota. Independent
minded and hardworking, South Dakotans are a tough bunch. Yet many people in the state are isolated and
lack experience with the sophisticated and sometimes sinister intrigues of more
worldly players. Yet to understand the
2016 Presidential Election and the Women’s Marches, there is more to consider than nostalgic notions of rural America.
Having
established which states made a difference in the election in my own way, I
looked at various social, demographic and economic factors to understand better
what might be coloring the view of these voters.
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The labor
participation rate tells an important part of the story. For Trump 138 electoral votes out of his
total of 336, were from states where the labor force participation was below
the average of 63.6%. That represented
451.% of Trump’s total electoral votes. However,
113 electoral votes for Clinton were from states that fell into that same low
employment status or 48.7% of her total electoral votes. While there appears to be some connection,
this data was simply not compelling enough to say it explains the conundrum of
how we have a president in the oval office who is so unpopular.
The intensity of
the loss felt by some communities might provide a better explanation. Instead of looking at labor participation,
the economic fortunes of each state can be understood through what each has
lost in terms of income. On average
median household income in 2015 was down 7.8% from the peak median income for
the state. Some states are experiencing double
digit decreases in median income. Even
if a population is largely employed, if purchasing power is not what it used to
be, voters are bound to feel discontent.
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A look at a
chart of ‘median income change from peak year’ makes it clear that Trump’s
message resonated well in states where median incomes have dropped by
significant amounts. Indeed, 178 of the
electoral votes for Trump were from states where median incomes fell by more
than the average 7.8% from peak median income for that state. That represented 58.2% of all electoral votes
cast for Trump. By contrast, Clinton won
only 85 electoral votes from states where income is down by more than the
average. These votes represented 36.7%
of her total electoral college votes.
Thus ‘sense of loss’ seems to be a more direct driver of Trump’s
Electoral College victory than simply jobs.
The obvious
question is why have these states experienced such a deep loss of income and
why have they not recovered from the Great Recession of 2010-2012. Those of us who follow the small-cap sector
have a good understanding of what happens when small companies with their
limited resources are hit with adverse circumstances. Earnings losses are possible. Bankruptcy is a reality. Recovery takes time. Weak balance sheets, poorly trained workers,
jaded managers or any of a dozens of other deficiencies slow things down.
Do those states with deep reductions in income have
such deficiencies?
There is no
state balance sheet to analyze. However,
the corporate body could be considered a state’s asset base. Gross domestic product has been a popular
metric to help explain consumer and vote dispositions. However, the presence of public companies provides
an interesting perspective on a state’s economy. Public companies require an element of
sophistication to meet shareholder and regulatory requirements. Their financial records are audited and subjected
to scrutiny by the public. These
companies must adopt codes of ethics and standards of business conduct. Public companies are also central to job
creation. Thus the more public companies
in a state, the more resilient the economy.
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Households
present another economic resource, but only if they are fully functional. Something like a company with negative
working capital, income deficient households are ‘gut punched’ by adverse
economic events. On their backs, these households cannot contribute to economic
recovery. It is somewhat alarming that
nationwide 14.9% of households are below the poverty level. Interestingly, a good share of the states that
voted for Trump have even more beleaguered households, including Kentucky with
a whopping 19% of its households below the poverty level. This includes a good share of those small
states with inordinate influence over the 2016 election outcome relative to
their population.
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Drug use has
been cited as a factor related to workforce participation. The graph illustrating households below the
poverty level also shows the percentage of the population that uses illegal
drugs such as heroin or cocaine. Nationwide
approximately 8.5% of the population uses illegal drugs. There appears to be an inverse relationship
between household income and drug use.
It stands to reason that households in a struggle to pay the rent and
put food on the table would also have trouble paying the local drug dealer.
Companies
recover from difficult times by tapping the talent of their employees. They have contests to see who can come up
with the best money saving tactics and offer bonuses for product
innovations. We can look at the talent
pool for each state from the same vantage point. How strong is the talent pool in terms of
education and ability to pursue self-learning.
While there is little
difference among the states in terms of attainment of high school education,
there are significant differences in the achievement of college degrees. There are far fewer college graduates in
those states were household incomes are lower.
Indeed, in those states where income is well off the peak there appears
to be the fewest college graduates as a percentage of the population. These are the states that pinned their hopes
to Trump baseball caps. In the other
states education may provide options for those who lose their jobs, allowing
them to get back into the workforce faster.
In turn, this preserves household income.
The Internet and
mobile apps have changed nearly every institution. It is no longer necessary to travel to a
college campus to get an education.
Instead students can take classes online. News is no longer just on the radio or
television. Mobile apps deliver news
from a host of new channels. This makes access to at least the Internet an
imperative for every household in order to be fully participating members of
our economy and society.
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Surprisingly, an
average 29.5% of households in the U.S. do not have access to the Internet. As shown in the chart depicting educational
attainment, there are wide differences in across our country in terms of who
can jump on the ‘world wide web.’ We can
see that among those states with voters backing Trump, Internet access is
lower. There does not seem to be a
particular link to state size, but connection to the Internet seems to be
lowest in those states with low income.
Perhaps it is
not so much capability of our labor force as it is attitude. The final chart illustrates ‘attitude’ from
two different perspectives. The murder
rate per capita can be a proxy for how violence prone a community might
be. Across the country the murder rate
is near four per capita. In those small
states with the particular influence over the outcome of the 2016 presidential
election, the murder rates seems to be lower than average with the exception of
a couple of particularly violent states like Louisiana and Mississippi. Additionally, in most of the larger states
that voted for Trump the murder rates are above the national average.
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Even after a
half dozen charts attempting to connect votes for Trump and Clinton to
demographic and economic factors, the analysis still seems to fall short of a
full explanation for the election outcome and why a half million women marched
through the streets of Washington DC to tell the victor that he was not really
a winner at all. However, the exercise
allowed shed some light on the angst felt by some people in our country. That is something we all need to understand
on any terms possible.
1 comment:
I believe your last graph is a duplicate of the penultimate one. If you have a chance to post the correct one, I would be interested in seeing it.
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